The Situation in Mali

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Denmark
Delegate Name: Marshall Czlapinski

Country: Denmark
Delegate: Marshall Czlapinski
School: Lakeland Union High School
Committee: Security Council
Topic: Situation in Mali

The situation in Mali is devastating. With multiple groups fighting for control, the country is being torn apart, and Malians are paying the price for it. With over 6.4 million people requiring humanitarian aid, the crisis in Mali is only getting worse. While the official Malian Government is relying on mercenaries for security and stripping the people of the ability to vote in an open democratic system, terrorist groups are disrupting the country: culturally, economically, and politically. If Mali continues to ignore its own civilians, it will lead to the destruction of Mali as it is now.
Denmark wishes to aid the people in Mali directly through Humanitarian aid. Funds should be given to the Malian people directly and not through the hands of a non-democratic government that currently controls Mali. The people must be the main priority for foreign countries wishing to send aid to Mali, as we should not aid any of the current governments bidding for control. The current crisis has stripped Malians of their human rights, and therefore, the HRC should convene to find solutions to these problems. The mistreatment of the Malians has left 1.5 million people in need of emergency food supplies and over 420,000 children experiencing severe malnutrition. The citizens of Mali need food and resources to survive, and that cannot be given to them by the shaky government that runs Mali.
Denmark also believes that many of Mali’s problems could be solved by the institution of a strong democratic government that has the people’s support. Mali’s political scene is dominated by people reaching for power, whether it’s a terrorist group like Al-Qaeda or a religious extremist group. These groups care little for the people of Mali, and neither does their own Government. Denmark does not trust the growing relations between the official Malian government and the Russians, especially the Russian mercenary group called the Wagner Group. The use of foreign mercenaries to control your population is distasteful to Denmark and has caused us to cease relations with Mali by closing our embassy in Mali in 2024. The increasingly frequent political coups have also had a great impact on Denmark no longer wishing to have relations with Mali, as Denmark cannot deal with a country whose government constantly changes.
As for bolstering Mali’s security sector, although it is a great idea to improve the humanitarian crisis through Malian police, funding and training a defence force for a government that is constantly fluctuating in power and control may not, in Denmark’s opinion, be the best strategy. Denmark believes funding the improvement of the forces in the control of a non-democratic government could end up being detrimental to our goals instead of beneficial. Denmark believes the priority should be to establish a government that the Malians and the world can trust and then focus on creating a security force that can aid them in rebuilding from this crisis.
Overall, Denmark’s interests lie in the aid of the Malians and their well-being, and not in aiding the current government. Denmark wants to give the people the aid they deserve and need to survive. Denmark also doesn’t believe the current government is the best for Mali and that it should be replaced by a democratic government with officials picked by the people, for the people, instead of being ruled by the military. With a government like that reestablished, Denmark believes that the situation in Mali will be better.
Denmark forgot to login and wishes to resubmit its paper.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Guyana
Delegate Name: Devinicus Wong

Since 2014, the conflict in Mali has undeniably worsened. The unending violence between the national government, the MNLA, the JNIM, and other minor groups has caused widespread devastation in the area, killing thirteen thousand and displacing at least six-hundred thousand civilians. The withdrawal of forces from the UN peacekeeping mission to the nation, the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), has only exacerbated the bloodshed. Reports of human rights abuses, the spread of terrorist groups, and the poor humanitarian situation all remain major issues resulting from this conflict. As such, the delegation of Guyana believes it to be imperative that further action is taken on this issue.
Although the MINUSMA mission has ended, the United Nations retains a presence in Mali through organizations such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in order to bolster economic and humanitarian efforts in the nation. With this, though, comes the continued risk of UN personnel being harmed as a result of the ongoing conflict. Guyana has advocated unwaveringly for the adoption of additional protections for UN staff working in active conflict zones and has voted in the UN accordingly. In 2004, Guyana acceded to the Convention of the Safety of United Nations and Associated Personnel, which implemented guidelines for nations to enhance the security of UN staff working inside their borders. Additionally, Guyana voted to pass Resolution 2730, which increased protections of UN personnel, and it is a party to both the 1977 and 2005 Additional Protocols to the Geneva Conventions, which furthered protections for religious and medical workers. Along with this, the delegation of Guyana is also concerned with the spread of terrorism in the nation. Guyana has worked extensively to curb the growth of terrorism and terrorist ideology worldwide. In 2007, Guyana made its position on the matter clear by ratifying both the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism and the Inter-American Convention Against Terrorism. These treaties seek to limit the growth of terrorism by improving nations’ capacity to detect and eliminate terrorist funding and by enhancing regional cooperation against the threat.
While the conflict at large remains difficult to resolve, the delegation of Guyana firmly believes that with global cooperation, some of the negative effects of the war can be minimized. We strongly urge nations that have not yet ratified the aforementioned treaties to do so in a swift and timely manner and join us in our efforts to protect those living in Mali and in other war-torn regions across the globe. The sheer amount of destruction caused has been devastating, but with international support, we firmly believe that at least some of the violence can be halted, and we will continue to strive with our global allies for a safer future.

Works Cited:
https://docs.un.org/en/S/RES/2730(2024)
https://www.minfor.gov.gy/un-security-council/statement-delivered-her-excellency-ambassador-carolyn-rodrigues-birkett-0
https://www.minfor.gov.gy/un-security-council/statement-he-carolyn-rodrigues-birkett-permanent-representative-guyana-un-10
https://www.oas.org/juridico/english/treaties/a-66.html
https://treaties.un.org/pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=XVIII-8&chapter=18
https://press.un.org/en/2023/sgsm22100.doc.htm
https://www.un.org/en/ga/sixth/80/int_terrorism/guyana_e.pdf
https://www.un.org/en/un-department-safety-and-security/security-council-adopts-resolution-safety-and-security
https://www.un.org/law/cod/finterr.htm
https://www.undp.org/stories/policing-people
https://www.unhcr.org/us/where-we-work/countries/mali

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Republic of Korea
Delegate Name: Amyah Kantz

A rise in terrorism, violence, and conflict is crippling Mali, a country that once fought for democracy, gaining independence on September 22, 1960. From 1992 to 2012, Mali showed progress, with significant promise for development. However, the major political challenges and heightened vulnerability allowed expansion of terrorist organizations, leading to severe instability. After the end of the Amadou Tounmani Touré regime, the National Movement for Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) lost control and jihadist groups dominated the region. Regardless of the efforts of international involvement, Mali faced catastrophic divides, leaving millions at risk. Then, in March 2017, four terrorist organizations consolidated: Ansar al-Din, al-Murabitun, the Macina Liberation Front (MLF), and the Sahara Emirate subgroup of al-Qaeda in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Agreements and initiatives were withdrawn, and now, the world is seeing one of the largest humanitarian crises, with the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reporting that 6.4 million people require humanitarian assistance, particularly in northern and central Mali. Al-Qaeda linked militants like the Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) have created a moment of profound urgency, which is why the Republic of Korea encourages this council to discuss decisive solutions.

In 2013, the United Nations Security Council established the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) by Resolution 2100. This was intended to address challenges to democracy and protect political processes that were underway. Unfortunately, the UN saw an end to this through Resolution 2690 in June 2023, following a request from the Malian transitional authorities. Since then, this Council has worked diligently to monitor the humanitarian needs and political process of Mali, though the Republic of Korea acknowledges that UNSC has not achieved success yet. While other regional bodies have attempted to bring peace and stability, effective enforcement is lacking, and settling the issue has been a distant goal. The Republic of Korea does not have a substantial association with Mali, but the importance of the crisis is clear.

The Republic of Korea strongly advocates for unity and humanitarian assistance. Maintaining neutrality will be highly beneficial, and it is imperative that members of the United Nations Security Council remain impartial. The involvement of certain countries has exacerbated political struggles, and geopolitics are clouding solutions. Mali is incredibly fragile, and the Republic of Korea believes that humanitarian response and aid must come first. Currently, the Republic of Korea has a travel ban on Mali and advises other countries to consider the threat that conflicts have on regional and international safety. The Republic of Korea urgently calls upon other countries to negotiate a plan to support the peoples of Mali, and to consider a new mandate similar to that of MINUSMA. Deterring Council members from acting in unilateral interests will allow for more productive negotiation, removing external tensions or pressures from this Council. The Republic of Korea wishes to see a swift and cooperative resolution and hopes to find a peaceful transition for Mali.

Works Cited
“Foreign Affairs Forum.” Foreign Affairs Forum , 11 Nov. 2025, www.faf.ae/home/2025/11/11/malis-humanitarian-crisis-historical-origins-contemporary-catastrophe-and-pathways-to-peace. Accessed 26 Nov. 2025.
“Mali.” OCHA, 30 Jan. 2018, www.unocha.org/mali.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Sierra Leone
Delegate Name: Daniel Hernanz Tello

A commercial hub since as early as 300 CE and the birthplace of several cultures, the country of Mali has a long, extremely rich and complicated history. Mali is the homeplace of many diverse peoples who have been united by the colonial force that shaped its borders, which has led to the perilous situation the state faces today. Differences between North and South Mali have always shaped the conflicts happening there. Since 2012, a military conflict between the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) and various jihadist groups associated with Al-Queda, and the Mali government, based in the southern region, who are allied with the French, has spurred. The MNLA is an organization that was born after the collapse of the Libyan dictator Gaddafi’s regime in 2011, when Tuareg soldiers brought military arsenal to northern Mali, a region they claim autonomy over, known as Azawad. Although the Mali government was able to regain its control over Azawad, thanks to the French military help, the country still faced political instability, continuing to this day. After two military coups in 2020 and 2021, then a transitional government and a junta started moving for a cooperative approach, which has led to instability within the Mali government, and to French military troops withdrawing from the region in 2022. Since then, there has been an increasing rise of violence, with many jihadist groups such as the JNIM acquiring more control, a possible cooperation with private military contractors, and the forced withdrawal of the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), which had been aiding in the stabilization of the government and the humanitarian crisis since 2014, making it so civilians have no protection from the tensions between the separatist groups and the government. The situation is escalating quickly and the effects are becoming exponentially more disastrous.

Sierra Leone and Mali share a history of overcoming colonialism and have both been allies in their shared region. Sierra Leone was a country founded by the coalition between former American slaves and the native people of the region. Due to this similarity in clash of cultures that it shares with Mali, the delegation strongly empathizes with the difficulties Malians face. However, Sierra Leone believes that it can be an example of resolution and post-colonial recovery to base Mali off of. It was only roughly 25 years ago that Sierra Leone ended its civil war and stabilized its government. Since then, although the country has and continues to struggle, being one of the lowest ranked in terms of development, it has experienced political stability and peace. Mali was also a member of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which Sierra Leone currently presides over, up until January 2025, as it left due to the increased tension inside the country. Along with the remaining members of ECOWAS, Sierra Leone has continuously encouraged dialogue with Mali, which is becoming increasingly difficult as tensions rise in the area. The delegation of Sierra Leone has supported resolutions 2100 and 2164 in the Security Council, establishing MINUSMA and allowing it to protect civilians, both of which have shown to be unsuccessful in the past few years.

As a result, Sierra Leone believes it is imperative that the members of the Security Council move for a more local solution. It is evident that having other countries’ militaries, such as France, and U.N. involvement alone have not helped in the long term. Sierra Leone urges all countries to support a collaboration with the African Union (AU), ECOWAS and the U.N., in order to set up a stable structure that supports the process of recovery Mali and the Malians need. A mission to help the government stabilize itself will only be successful if Mali’s closest allies and neighbors, which are also the ones being affected by this the most on the international scale, are collaborating on it. This is why Sierra Leone encourages peacekeepers and other missions being sent only if it is with the collaboration of the AU and ECOWAS this time, as it is imperative that aid is sent in a diplomatic, democratic, and safe way.

Works Cited:
Eromo Egbejule. “How Al-Qaida-Linked Jihadist Group JNIM Is Bringing Mali to Its Knees.” The Guardian, The Guardian, Nov. 2025, www.theguardian.com/world/2025/nov/01/how-al-qaida-linked-jihadist-group-jnim-is-bringing-mali-to-its-knees.
FBI. “Economic Community of West African States(ECOWAS) | .” Ecowas.int, 8 Aug. 2019, www.ecowas.int/.
“Home – Permanent Mission of Sierra Leone to the UN Security Council.” Permanent Mission of Sierra Leone to the UN Security Council, 30 Oct. 2025, slmissionun.gov.sl/. Accessed 27 Nov. 2025.
Human Rights Watch. “Death of a Dictator | Bloody Vengeance in Sirte.” Human Rights Watch, 17 Oct. 2012, www.hrw.org/report/2012/10/16/death-dictator/bloody-vengeance-sirte.
Lawal, Shola. ““Callous”: Are Malian Troops and Russian Mercenaries Attacking Civilians?” Al Jazeera, 24 Mar. 2025, www.aljazeera.com/features/2025/3/24/callous-are-malian-troops-and-russian-mercenaries-attacking-civilians.
States, United. “Remarks at a UN Security Council Open Debate on Working Methods of the Security Council – United States Mission to the United Nations.” United States Mission to the United Nations, 14 Nov. 2025, usun.usmission.gov/remarks-at-a-un-security-council-briefing-on-working-methods-of-the-security-council/. Accessed 27 Nov. 2025.
“Wagner’s next Targets in Africa: Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Ivory Coast.” American Enterprise Institute – AEI, www.aei.org/op-eds/wagners-next-targets-in-africa-liberia-sierra-leone-and-ivory-coast/.
World Health Organization. “Sierra Leone Data | World Health Organization.” Data.who.int, 2023, data.who.int/countries/694.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: China
Delegate Name: Shriya Nallan Chakravarthi

United Nations Security Council
Situation in Mali
People’s Republic of China
Shriya Nallan Chakravarthi
Forest Hills Eastern High School

Lines stretch for kilometers outside of Mali gas stations for traumatized civilians waiting, hoping for fuel to slip through the pump. Al-Qaeda related terrorist groups choke Mali’s fuel supply, cutting off the landlocked state’s main connection to resources: the Senegal and the Ivory Coast ports. When Malian people seek some sort of constant return to their homes, with or without fuel, electricity comes on only for a couple of hours. Everything is volatile because of the power struggle between an armed government, JNIM, MNLA, and outside influence from France and Russian mercenaries, complicating the conflict. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) attempted peacekeeping through MINUSMA, with the People’s Republic of China sending armored vehicles to the Mali Junta; however, China voted in favor of retreating from Mali in 2023 due to MINUSMA ultimately fueling more hostility and violence. Chinese forces are currently pulling out due to constant instability in the region, but investments in Mali may be key to stability.

China is a key player in investing in the Sahel region’s stability through the UNSC. In fact, through MINUSMA in August 2013, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army gave the Malian army military supplies totalling about $2.8 million US Dollars, with similar donation amounts in 2014 and 2023. However, that has ceased with the pullback on MINUSMA. Regardless, China continues to support the Junta through small arms shipments of armored vehicles, drones, and communications equipment under China’s Global Security Initiative (GSI), a security sector framework focused on peace rather than hostile security, like many other frameworks in place. Although the GSI works well in domestic affairs, Mali lacks a robust security sector, and China’s direct help has not yet delivered its full impact. China invests in both economic activities and infrastructure. First, China has many mining sites in Mali to bolster its economy. JNIM specifically, however, has attacked these sites, killed three workers, and abducted two workers at a gold mining site in Narena, 100 kilometers southwest of Bamako. Terrorist groups jeopardize the development of a resilient economy, while there is no powerful government to control them. The Wagner Group and military Junta, now working as the African Corps, exacerbate the hostility in the area and weaken any political power to oversee and incentivise economic stability for all parties. Secondly, China invests in infrastructure. Through the China Railway Construction Corporation (CRCC) in 2015, China signed to finance and renovate the 644 kilometers of rail in Mali and modernize 22 stations, aiming to significantly increase train speeds and facilitate the transport of goods as part of an initiative to improve African infrastructure, connecting landlocked nations like Mali to coastal ports for resource export. Again, the Mali war has halted much development, yet the principle still stands: regional economic integration and interdependence with global powers will bolster Mali’s economic resilience and thus stability.

The People’s Republic of China urges the UNSC to intervene in a manner that is receptive to all parties involved: the Malian government, the MNLA, JNIM, innocent civilians, and the other countries with infrastructure in the region. Being the second largest contributor to UNSC funding and peacekeeping, we strive to strategically invest in important areas, creating opportunities for economic stability will allow the UNSC to reattempt negotiations or peacekeeping operations. China is hesitant to concede to terrorist groups; however, these concessions must be made on neutral grounds through multilateral counterterrorism efforts. Rebuilding Mali’s security sector will be difficult, but China will use its GSI to create a framework that will allow for slow but steady economic development in Mali to quell the hostility before the UNSC can attempt another intervention to end this war.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Bangladesh
Delegate Name: Allyson Becker

For Bangladesh, the crisis in Myanmar is not an abstract geopolitical dilemma but a lived humanitarian, security, and social reality. Since the military coup of February 1st, 2021, Myanmar has descended into one of the most devastating civil conflicts in Southeast Asia’s recent history. The coup, echoing the military’s long-standing pattern of seizing power under the banner of “national unity,” has dismantled Myanmar’s fragile democratic progress and ignited renewed violence between the Tatmadaw, the National Unity Government (NUG), and powerful Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs). As these competing forces shape the future of Myanmar, Bangladesh—sharing a long, porous border and hosting nearly one million Rohingya refugees—has a profound stake in the restoration of peace, stability, and human rights.
The present crisis is inseparable from Myanmar’s long history of broken promises to ethnic minorities. The aspirations for a federal union outlined by General Aung San in 1947 never materialized after his assassination, and decades of military rule entrenched ethnic inequality. The tensions between the majority-Bamar state and minority populations eventually gave rise to EAOs seeking either autonomy or full independence. Today, as these groups gain territorial control—some estimates suggest the junta now holds barely one-fifth of the country—the risk of fragmentation remains high. Bangladesh believes that any post-conflict settlement must guarantee meaningful political representation, federal autonomy, and security protections for all ethnic minorities. Without these provisions, Myanmar risks replacing one form of instability with another.
Bangladesh’s position is shaped significantly by the plight of the Rohingya people. The atrocities committed by the Tatmadaw in Rakhine State (ethnic cleansing, mass displacement, and systematic persecution) forced over 740,000 Rohingya into Bangladesh beginning in 2017. The situation has only deteriorated since the coup. New waves of violence, land seizures, and religious persecution threaten the remaining Rohingya population, while the Arakan Army’s expansion has introduced new forms of oppression against Muslim communities in Rakhine. Bangladesh has carried the humanitarian burden of hosting Rohingya refugees for years with limited international support, and the prospect of safe, voluntary, and dignified repatriation is impossible under current conditions. Therefore, Bangladesh views the stabilization of Myanmar not solely through the lens of governance but as the necessary precondition for resolving one of the world’s largest refugee crises.

Bangladesh is equally alarmed by Myanmar’s growing vulnerability to foreign interference. As the civil war intensifies, so does the risk of escalation into a regional proxy conflict. China’s complex involvement—including support to both the junta and several EAOs in order to secure its pipelines and rare-earth interests—illustrates the geopolitical volatility surrounding the conflict. The presence of Chinese private military corporations, combined with shifting U.S. sanctions, threatens to internationalize the war. Bangladesh believes firmly that Myanmar’s crisis must not become a battleground for external powers. A coordinated ASEAN–UN framework, rooted in diplomacy and humanitarian access rather than strategic competition, is essential to prevent escalation.
Humanitarian access remains one of the most urgent obstacles. After the devastating 7.7-magnitude earthquake in March 2025, the junta obstructed aid workers, displaced survivors, and escalated airstrikes even during declared ceasefires. Such actions constitute violations of international humanitarian law and undermine the basic principle that civilians must never be targeted. Bangladesh calls for stronger enforcement mechanisms—potentially through UN Security Council monitoring mandates, independent humanitarian corridors, and sanctions targeting individuals who obstruct aid. Given the spillover risks for neighboring countries, Bangladesh believes regional states must be directly involved in guaranteeing aid flows.
As a nation that has endured its own struggles for self-determination, democratic governance, and communal harmony, Bangladesh seeks a path for Myanmar that honors diversity and protects human dignity. Bangladesh aims to support a resolution that ensures meaningful ethnic autonomy, prevents proxy warfare, secures humanitarian access, and lays the groundwork for a democratic and inclusive Myanmar where the Rohingya can finally return home with rights and safety guaranteed.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Pakistan
Delegate Name: Cameron Balis

Mali has not seen peace since 2012. The government and its citizens of Mali have had to deal with the absurd terrorist operations of the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA). Along with the JNIM, they are both of the Jihad ideology; these groups stand against the Malian government and the Malian people. Both groups think a free-thinking democracy should not exist in Mali. This thinking of the MNLA factions exudes an open rebellion against the current government. They have had skirmishes to the point of French inclusion into the Mali government and military. Pakistan has taken the stance of supporting the Malian government and their devotion to democratic thinking.

Pakistan sees that Mali struggles economically and is one of the poorest countries in the world, and Pakistan has struggled with poverty. Pakistan sees the lengths Mali has taken to try to escape poverty, but the coups in the north of Mali destroy all support for economic growth. Pakistan has always taken an anti-terrorist stance, and we have imposed laws for anti-terrorism such as the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997 that set up the logistics for anti-terrorism. We would like to see these same laws imposed in Mali, but recognise the current political instability that Mali faces but how this law would be carried out is training Malian Security Forces and the Malian army of these anti-terrorist laws. Pakistan is willing to dedicate a significant amount of logistics support in this cause as we already have in the form of Peacekeepers setting up spontaneous hospitals in Mali for civilians and government security forces. French involvement in driving to exploit the Malian people and their resources in the early 2010s proves the failed policy that this Security Council has taken, along with accountability for one nation’s actions. Instead, Pakistan recommends that Security Council members take action in deploying peacekeepers to the country to stabilize the contested regions in the north, then take up logistics support for Mali in deploying aid to citizens and soldiers.

What Pakistan is going to pursue in the Security Council is bringing peace back to Mali, in the form of economic support and political reform to their current government. These terrorist groups must be snuffed out in Mali if they have any chance to grow as a nation. Pakistan moves to push the United Nations Security Council to implement a joint movement whether that be peacekeepers or aid in stabilizing the politics of the country. Once those reforms are implemented can humanitarian aid for Mail can be applied and unharassed in full force.

Works Cited-
https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/pakistani-women-peacekeepers-forefront-of-military-hospital-mali
https://glica.org/glimun/committees/situation-in-mali/
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272158905_The_Situation_in_Mali_and_Pakistan’s_Position

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Greece
Delegate Name: Luke Roberts

Greece cannot watch atrocities take place. It has unfortunately become abundantly clear that Mali is unable to handle the conflicts within its borders, as extremist groups unofficially control major swaths of the country. Protecting citizens is the paramount goal of any country: the failure of Mali to rebuild its security centre outlined in resolution 2100, or the services essential to a country for handling foreign or internal threats, has become a threat to Malian citizens. While Greece recognises past tensions between Mali and countries providing aid, such as issues with former colonisers, Greece has deemed foreign aid the only course of action that could potentially solve this humanitarian crisis. Greece has a storied history of administering foreign aid, providing aid to refugees and serving as peacekeepers alike. As Greece believes there is currently a great threat to civilian lives, Greece offers aid to Mali and urges others to do the same, namely, financially and by providing aid to refugees. Legislation must be passed on this topic to ensure the safety of Malian citizens, either in relocating civilians affected or removing the peril imposed on them. Due to the fact that every minute this council spends deliberating brings more civilian lives into danger, Greece will support legislation that is deemed thorough enough to solve this longstanding discontent in Mali. Urgency is urged, but ineffective resolutions are not.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Slovenia
Delegate Name: Ella Woods

Country: Slovenia
Delegate: Ella Woods
School: East Grand Rapids High School
Committee: Security Council
Topic: Situation in Mali

The crisis in Mali has been ongoing since 2011. Since 2023, over 8.8 million people have requested assistance from the UN. Over 575,000 citizens of Mali have been forced from their homes. Historically, outside nations have played a major role in the conflict such as in 2013 when Mali requested military aid from France. This operation eventually failed in 2022 because the junta’s were unwilling to solve its growing security issues, causing France to withdraw. The United Nations have similarly been involved, with the creation of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). This provided military assistance to Mali as well as police forces and civilian support with the goal of stabilizing the country. MINUSMA actions were controversial and eventually failed due to alleged abuse and political influence. Slovenia believes that outside nations should support Mali by providing military training and help reform their security center. However, strict conditions must be attached to all aid, in order to ensure accountability and human rights compliance.

In 2023, the United Nations Security Council withdrew the UN peacekeeping mission to Mali, called the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). Resolution 2100 was adopted in 2013 and was created to help Mali keep national sovereignty and continue fighting jihadist groups. With the power that the UN Security Council has, we can provide support to military efforts through western and European powers. Aid would be successful if Mali doesn’t cut off cooperation or attempt to work with other nations, like Russia, or extremist groups, such as Wagner. Outside of military action, the UN can provide diplomatic support to Mali. It is vital that we replace MINUSMA and allow UN sanctions for peacekeeping operations.

Slovenia urges the UN Security Council to avoid granting full political legitimation to organizations that are internationally deemed terrorists. Providing assistance to Mali instead of allowing them to work with mercenary groups, like Wagner, would be beneficial for several reasons. These groups are known to violate international laws and threaten civilians. As the UNSC’s primary concern is the safety of civilians it is crucial we avoid allowing Wagner to continue operating in Mali. Additionally, involvement with Wagner has forced Mali to use already limited funds to pay foreign mercenaries instead of supporting their own security sector.

To “rebuild the security sector”, as resolution 2100 puts it means to provide military training, logistics, and ensuring equitability. Slovenia believes that solving the crisis in Mali will ultimately come down to allowing their country to rebuild their own government. Rebuilding the Mali security sector will allow them to sever ties with mercenary groups, such as Wagner. Slovenia supports local ceasefires that protect civilians and allow aid to be received. International actions can offer as much military aid and support, but the government of Mali will need to play a major role in reform.

https://hir.harvard.edu/how-france-failed-mali-the-end-of-operation-barkhane
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/mali
https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2100.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com
https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/africasource/mali-has-not-just-plunged-into-crisis-it-has-been-unraveling-for-years/
https://press.un.org/en/2022/sc14762.doc.htm

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Panama
Delegate Name: Vincent DelRosso

Country: Delegation of Panama

Committee: United Nations Security Council (UNSC)

Topic: Situation in Mali

Since 2012, the situation in Mali, also called the Mali War, has descended into a multi-lateral conflict that has seen several factions and foreign forms of intervention. The three main factions outlined in this conflict consist of the Malian government, jihad extremists, and the Tuareg ethnic group. The most recent movement within this conflict came in June of 2023 in which United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping forces put in place through the works of the UNSC in 2014 were withdrawn from Mali. This departure was an inevitable result stemming from years of rhetoric growing disdainful to the 2015 Algiers Accords, the now antiquated peace terms. (Northern) The government of Mali has found itself in essentially a military dictatorship, through the leadership of the Junta. Without the help of peacekeeping, the Malian government has called upon the Russian-based private military contractor, the Wagner Group. The concerns revolving around using the Wagner Group (Rebranded to Africa Corps) come down to the dangers posed to civilians. War already poses a plethora of civilian dangers, yet those dangers grow exponentially with the use of unregulated private military contractors, such as Africa Corps. (ADF) The Enlistment of Africa Corps is intended to combat rebellion from the two major factions in this war. The first of which is ethnic group of nomadic peoples have found themselves designating most of Northern Mali. The Tuareg people have found themselves united in Permanent Strategic Framework for the Defense of the People of Azawad (CSP-DPA). The second main opposition to Mali art the jihad extremists in this region, the regional affiliate to the terrorist organization of Al-Queda.

The Delegation of Panama is deeply concerned with much of the geopolitical turmoil within this region and prioritize the gradual regression of tensions between opposing factions. Taking a broader view of this conflict in specific, much of this instability stems from deep roots in imperialism that has occurred within this past century. While Panama is no stranger to imperialism, Panama and Mali did not have the same interaction with the beast that was imperialism, yet both nations have been affected by the long-term consequences of the ideology. As with Panama, Mali has a deep history with an imperial power exploiting the region for natural resources. Though not necessarily through the same means, Panama and Mali both have had some extended form of dependency on a larger power. So, in 2022 when the French Army was discharged from Mali, the Delegation of Panama understands power vacuum that was left behind. Thus, it is to no surprise that the Malian government enlisted help from the Russian-based Wagner Group/Africa Corps to fill the void of power. With this understanding, the Panamanian delegation takes a true neutral stance on the conflict, understanding both the political instability within Mali, and the opposing interest of the Tuareg peoples alongside the Jihadist Muslims.

As for possible solutions for this incredibly complex conflict, the struggle of maintaining neutrality and providing safety for all those involved, especially civilians caught in the crossfire is paramount. The priority of this council should be to primarily protect the civilians who are being harmed despite limited involvement. To protect civilians, the Delegation of Panama frowns upon the concept of peacekeeping operations. The modern operational capacities of UN peacekeeping mandates must be reworked prior to any more exposition. Conceptually, enlisting soldiers to solve inner conflicts that hail from counties that more often than not are already facing their own issues, whilst being funded through western money is a flawed system. Let alone the prior peacekeeping operation within the Mali War did very little to de-escalate the conflict, rather escalated the conflict through the UNSC’s continual expansion on the peacekeeping mandate. (Snyman) Instead, the best possible solution for this conflict would be to arrange for a ceasefire between the Malians and Tuaregs. While taking gradual steps toward the ceasefire, through sanctions on Mali, limiting the support of the Wagner group, etc., the UN should facilitate a ceasefire between the two groups that would ultimately result in a demilitarized zone between the two groups. As for the Jihad Muslims, a separate problem altogether, we as a body will have to see if the issue of this group persists after the incorporation of the demilitarized zone.

ADF. “Tuareg Coalition Threatens Continued Instability in Northern Mali.” Africa Defense Forum, ADF, 21 May 2024, adf-magazine.com/2024/05/ tuareg-coalition-threatens-continued-instability-in-northern-mali/. Accessed 19 Nov. 2025.

“Northern Mali: A Conflict with No Victors.” International Crisis Group, 13 Oct. 2023, www.crisisgroup.org/africa/sahel/mali/ nord-du-mali-une-confrontation-dont-personne-ne-sortira-vainqueur. Accessed 19 Nov. 2025.

Snyman, Katelynn. “One Year Later: Lessons From MINUSMA’s Withdrawal from Mali and the Crisis of UN Peacekeeping.” Security Distillery, 28 Sept. 2024, thesecuritydistillery.org/all-articles/ one-year-later-lessons-from-minusmas-withdrawal-from-mali-and-the-crisis-of-un-peacekeeping#:~:text=T roops%20from%20MINUSMA%20%E2%80%93%20Mission%20Multidimensionnelle,an%20end’%20%5B5%5D.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: Denmark
Delegate Name: Marshall Czlapinski

Country: Denmark
Delegate: Marshall Czlapinski
School: Lakeland Union High School
Committee: Security Council
Topic: Situation in Mali

The situation in Mali is devastating. With multiple groups fighting for control, the country is being torn apart, and Malians are paying the price for it. With over 6.4 million people requiring humanitarian aid, the crisis in Mali is only getting worse. While the official Malian Government is relying on mercenaries for security and stripping the people of the ability to vote in an open democratic system, terrorist groups are disrupting the country: culturally, economically, and politically. If Mali continues to ignore its own civilians, it will lead to the destruction of Mali as it is now.
Denmark wishes to aid the people within Mali directly through Humanitarian aid. Funds should be given to the Malian people directly and not through the hands of a non-democratic government that currently controls Mali. The people must be the main priority for foreign countries wishing to send aid to Mali as we should not aid any of the current governments bidding for control. The current crisis has stripped Malians of their humans rights and therefore the HRC should convene to find solutions to these problems. The mistreatment of the Malians has left 1.5 million people in need of emergency food supplies and over 420,000 children experiencing severe malnutrition. The citizens of Mali need food and resources to survive and that cannot be given to them by the shaky government that runs Mali.
Denmark also believes that much of Mali’s problems could be solved by the institution of a strong democratic government that has the peoples support. Mali’s political scene is dominated by people reaching for power, whether its a terrorist group like Al-Queda or a religious extremest group. These groups care little for the people of Mali and neither does their own Government. Denmark does not trust the growing relations between the official Mali government and Russians, especially the Russian mercenary group called the Wagner Group. The use of foreign mercenaries to control your population is distasteful to Denmark and has caused us to cease relations with Mali by closing our embassy in Mali in 2024. The increasingly frequent political coups have also had a great inpact with Denmark no longer wishing to have relations with Mali as Denmark cannot deal with a country whose government constantly changes.
As for boostering Mali’s security sector, although it is a great idea to improve the humanitarian crisis through Malian police, funding and training a defence force for a government thats constanting fluxiating in power and control may not, in Denmark’s opinion, be the best strategy. Denmark believes funding the improvement of the forces in the control of a non-democratic government could end up being detrimental to our goals instead of beneficial. Denmark believes the first priority should be to establish a government the Malians, and the world, can trust and then focus on creating a security force that can aid them in rebuilding from this crisis.
Overall, Denmark’s interests lie in the aid of the Malians and their well being and not in aiding the current government. Denmark wants to give the people the aid they deserve and need to survive. Denmark also doesn’t believe the current government is the best for Mali and that is should be replaced by a democratic government with officials picked by the people, for the people instead of being ruled by the military. With a government like that reestablished Denmark believes that the situation in Mali will be better.

Topic: 2025 – Situation in Mali
Country: France
Delegate Name: Elizabeth Zaremski

Country: France
Delegate: Elizabeth Zaremski
School: Williamston High School
Committee: Security Council
Topic: Situation in Mali

The situation in Mali has persisted for over a decade. As of August 2023, over 8.8 million people in Mali require assistance, while about 575,000 have been forced out of their homes, and a combined number of 580,000 people internally and externally displaced. While these atrocities happen, the government of Mali has requested that the UN Security Council withdraw the peacekeepers in Mali. These mounting abuses occur due to an unstable and volatile political climate. In June, a referendum amended their constitution to give more power to their president, granting the president the power to hire and fire the Prime Minister and cabinet officials. Some military officials say this amendment is to help the country come back to a more civilian rule, but only 39% of eligible voters cast a ballot, while some regions don’t hold the referendum at all. This makes many question the amendment’s fairness and eligibility. This transition, along with the abuses caused by the Wagner Group, intensified tensions between Mali’s international partners. This continues to politically isolate Mali. During 2023, an Islamic armed group, allied with the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) and Al-Qaeda, pursued many illegal attacks on hundreds of civilians, as well as killing government personnel. Malian and United Foreign Tankers, seemingly associated with the Russia-connected Wagner Group, were implicated in a great number of nefarious killings of civilians, mainly along large counterterrorism movements in central Mali. Any reporters or civil activists who go to Mali have been threatened, harassed, and intimidated, causing many disappearances of these reporters.
France’s attempts in Mali to ease tensions have been best described as failures. France was peacefully welcomed into Mali in January of 2013 to stop the jihadist terrorist groups that were making military advancements towards the Malian capital. However, following two coups, a large fallout with the military, and the later arrival of the Russian ‘Wagner’ mercenary group, French forces left Mali. The withdrawal of these troops significantly negatively affected both France and Mali. France’s military use in Mali not only worsened the political climate but also made the option of getting a political outcome significantly harder. The initial group sent to Mali by France, code-named “Serval”, aimed to seize enemy towers, but failed as the plan fell through when enemy troops just fled. Next, France took a more community-centered approach, putting military troops into cities and villages. This, unfortunately, made communities the center of the war. When these terrorist groups dispersed, France didn’t back down. They implemented a new, more ambitious operation named Barkhane. This operation targeted violent Islamic groups across the areas in and around Mali. This successfully helped lessen the threat of these groups, but over time, it only worsened the political climate in Mali.
France has now pulled their groups out of Mali in an attempt to lessen their effect on the Malian political climate. France will continue to keep troops out of Mali, but is willing to provide financial aid if called upon to. France also encourages other countries to pursue a policy of supporting the people of Mali and sending humanitarian or financial aid. France plans to work with all countries in the United Nations Security Council to help bring peace to Mali and its surrounding area.

Works Cited
“Al Hassan Case.” | International Criminal Court, https://www.icc-cpi.int/mali/al-hassan. Accessed 5 November 2025.
Chafer, Tony. “France’s Strategic Failure in Mali: A Postcolonial Disutility of Force?” RUSI, 7 February 2024, https://www.rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/commentary/frances-strategic-failure-mali-postcolonial-disutility-force. Accessed 12 November 2025.
Hassan, Tirana. “World Report 2024: Mali.” Human Rights Watch, https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/mali. Accessed 5 November 2025.
“Mali | International Criminal Court.” | International Criminal Court, https://www.icc-cpi.int/mali. Accessed 5 November 2025.
“Why France Failed in Mali.” War on the Rocks, 21 February 2022, https://warontherocks.com/2022/02/why-france-failed-in-mali/. Accessed 5 November 2025.

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